The principal aim is an ambitious one; it is to empower moderate Muslims to stand up to the fanatics in their midst, which is not an easy thing to achieve. As well as ensuring that mainstream voices are heard above those of the zealots, it will support non-violent theological teaching and build the capacity of institutions to recognise and challenge violent extremism.“ It is not for government to intervene in theological debates, but there is a role for government in providing support where it is sought by institutions and communities,” said the DCLG spokesman. The strategy will also encourage a wider understanding of the benefits that Muslims have brought to local areas. The aim is to make mainstream Muslims feel they are a part of society and are appreciated, which will then lead to the co-operation which Clarke says has been absent to date.
Practical steps
Among the programmes now under way or being prepared around the country is a youth forum in Haringey, north London. It is working in partnership with Tottenham Hotspur FC and others to provide a platform to promote the positive values of Islam, and to improve self-esteem and the development of other important skills. High-profile Muslim footballers and coaches will act as role models for young Muslims who are not in education, training or employment and who lack positive aims.
The DCLG said: “Sport and cultural programmes will provide positive alternatives to doctrines of hate and will seek to counter specific harmful views. The young people will be supported in integrating into British society in a way that is respectful of their faith and culture.”
In Barking and Dagenham, east London, where the British National Party has made inroads and extremist Muslim organisations are in evidence, local organisations will provide education about Islam and its teachings and contrast “the reality of Islam against the rhetoric of violent extremism”. Islamic scholars will hold seminars to rebut the rhetoric of the jihadis, whose own clerics and imams have had a disproportionate influence over the community in recent years. Barking Mosque will be a base for challenging the extremists, in contrast to other London mosques which until recently were the places where the extremist message was disseminated. Research carried out by the government shows that the majority of Muslims condemn terrorist acts as contrary to the teaching of Islam. But community and faith leaders are not always able to convey their arguments to those at risk of violent extremism.
The role of local authorities is to support the development of strong faith institutions and strong Muslim communities, especially by promoting democratic participation, engagement and civic involvement. There are very few Muslims in politics, with just three MPs and only about 300 councillors around the country despite a community close to two million strong. Birmingham City Council is planning to sponsor workshops on issues such as citizenship, civic engagement, and how to respond to signs of radicalisation amongst young people. Young people will be supported in working with at risk individuals by initiatives such as the ‘Green Light Tackling Violent Extremism’ resource, which will include messages from some of the leading national and international scholars. These will rebut teachings advocating violent extremism, and build interfaith dialogue.
One group rarely heard in this debate is Muslim women. The new strategy is partly aimed at them: how can they be empowered to take a stronger role in their communities, where the culture of male dominance is so deeply rooted? In Lambeth, south London, it is proposed that local councillors should ‘mentor’ Muslim women and encourage them to stand for office. In Watford, the Bridge of Peace and Christian women together to share experiences and understanding, and support each other in promoting tolerance in their communities. In Crawley, east Sussex – the town where the five men who plotted to blow up shopping centres and nightclubs lived and worked – “awareness training” is being provided to police, teachers, neighbourhood housing managers, youth workers and college lecturers. The intention is to give them a better understanding and awareness about violent extremism issues facing Crawley and the capacity to respond effectively to this.
Clearly there is a lot going on locally, although it is, arguably, a bit late in the day, perhaps too late. These initiatives should have started at least a decade ago. The rubrics of the now largely discredited concept of multi-culturalism allowed for Muslim communities essentially to do their own thing.
Parallel lives
The instinctive tolerance of British society felt they should be left to their own devices and little attempt was made to integrate them into mainstream society. Even if this was not apparent ten years ago, it certainly should have been after the riots in northern England in 2001.
A report into the disturbances by Ted Cantle disclosed how communities in towns like Bradford and Oldham lived “parallel lives”. It was possible to grow up as a Muslim in a British town and hardly ever consort with a person from another faith. Schools, TV programmes, shops, cinemas, restaurants, meeting places, and friendships – all could be ethnically and religiously exclusive.
These communities became resentful; and their young men, preached at about the wicked ways of the west and the hegemonic nature of its foreign policy, were easy prey for the jihad zealots. It has taken a long time for the government to assess properly the nature of the threat and to understand that a two-pronged approach is required: one intelligence-led to track down the potential terrorists; and the other community-based to deny them the water in which to swim.
Philip Johnston is home affairs editor of The Daily Telegraph
